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Reading: Milei’s Labor-Gambit Clears First Hurdle: How Friday’s Win Rewrites Argentina’s Work Rules
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Milei’s Labor-Gambit Clears First Hurdle: How Friday’s Win Rewrites Argentina’s Work Rules

Last updated: February 20, 2026 6:22 am
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Milei’s Labor-Gambit Clears First Hurdle: How Friday’s Win Rewrites Argentina’s Work Rules
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Argentina’s lower house just green-lit a law that could flip 50 years of labor rights on its head, giving employers cheaper hires and unions a shorter leash—markets cheered, streets seethed, and investors now watch one Senate vote deciding whether Milei’s “Chainsaw” agenda becomes irreversible.

BUENOS AIRES—After a marathon 17-hour session that ended at 3:25 a.m., deputies delivered President Javier Milei the legislative jolt his libertarian presidency has banked on: a 135-to-115 endorsement of a bill that rewrites severance formulas, probation periods, and the legality of sympathy strikes.

The measure now returns to the Senate where it passed once already but must survive a fresh vote after lower-house tweaks. Victory there—expected within ten days—would embed the most aggressive pro-market labor rewrite since Argentina’s return to democracy in 1983.

What Actually Changed at 3 A.M.

Deputies peeled out a clause trimming sick-leave pay but left the core intact:

  • Severance capped at 12 months’ salary, down from indefinite exposure that sometimes topped 24 months.
  • Probation doubles to six months, letting firms fire without cause and zero severance.
  • Sympathy strikes banned unless unions prove a direct employer link, kneecapping future mass shutdowns like Thursday’s 24-hour CGT stoppage.
  • Collective-bargaining pacts expire every three years unless explicitly renewed—ending automatic inflation indexation.

Companies will also be able to offer private mediation contracts that bypass labor courts, a pathway investors call “litigation-lite.”

50 Years of History in One Night

Argentina’s last big labor flexibilization came during the 1976-83 military dictatorship; most of those rules were dismantled under President Raúl Alfonsín and deepened under Carlos Menem in the 1990s, locking in strong severance and strike shields. Milei argues that maze scared off formal hiring and fed a 40% informal economy—double Brazil’s rate.

Union density here still hovers above 35% of the workforce, one of Latin America’s highest. That muscle delivered inflation-proof wage deals every six months, but economists say it also priced out small firms: employing an Argentine costs 1.9 times the regional average once benefits and lawsuits are tallied.

Market Pulse: Peso firms, stocks jump

Bonds rallied before the vote, with the 2030-dollar issue up 1.4 cents to 42.5—still distressed, but the highest since November. The black-market peso strengthened 2% to 1,220 per dollar as traders bet cheaper labor could revive an economy set to shrink 2.5% this year.

Goldman Sachs termed the bill “necessary for any IMF program extension,” noting Argentina’s $43 billion loan requires structural reforms, and labor rules top the Fund’s list.

Union Counter-Attack: One-day blackout and courtroom war

The General Confederation of Labor (CGT) shut ports, banks, and subways Thursday, costing an estimated $320 million in lost output, per insurer Sancor. Leaders vow a second strike the day the Senate votes and promise Supreme-Court challenges on constitutional grounds.

History offers them hope: in 2017, Mauricio Macri’s similar flexibilization was gutted by judges after strikes and judicial injunctions. Milei, however, has already packed the top court through emergency decrees, shrinking unions’ legal runway.

Global Ripple: Is Argentina a laboratory again?

Chile’s far-right Republican Party hailed the bill as a template, while Brazil’s Lula administration warned it could trigger a regional race to the bottom on worker protections. Washington stayed quiet, but multinationals from MercadoLibre to PepsiCo lobbied quietly for passage, seeing a chance to on-shore services from Montevideo to Buenos Aires where wages have crashed in dollar terms.

Senate Math: 37 votes decide everything

Milei’s La Libertad Avanza holds only 7 of 72 seats. He needs either the PRO center-right bloc or provincial Peronist governors hungry for fiscal transfers. Horse-trading is fierce: Salta’s governor is demanding a $300 million highway credit; Mendoza’s wants a veto on mining export taxes. Both hint they will back the bill if pork arrives before the vote.

Bottom Line for Workers and Investors

If the Senate replicates its early-Feb support, formal contracts will get cheaper overnight. Firms may test the six-month probation en masse, slowing the 9% unemployment rate in the short run but slashing job security. Unions will lose their easiest weapon—general strikes—right as inflation, though cooling, still erodes paychecks by 2% monthly.

For Milei, passage cements his “chainsaw” brand with investors and buys breathing room before the next showdown: a fiscal-reform bill that axes subsidies and could spark larger street backlash. For Argentina, it reopens a question dormant since the 2001 crash—whether economic freedom for employers outweighs social protections that once defined Peronist identity.

Stay with onlytrustedinfo.com for minute-by-minute Senate vote trackers and instant analysis on how the peso, bonds, and your grocery bill react once the gavel falls.

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